Norman Sicily

Although scholars tend to draw a line of confrontation between the conquerors Normans and the conquered Muslims and Greeks in the kingdom of Sicily, the actual relationship among these people was not so simple. In the kingdom there was a relatively developed bureaucracy staffed by officials with varied cultural backgrounds.  The kings and these bureaucrats took a stand against the aristocrats, who had solely Latin Christian backgrounds.  In fact, the keynote of the political history of the kingdom was a process in which the kings together with bureaucrats held down the aristocrats and cities of the peninsula.  The kings and bureaucrats, who had different cultural backgrounds but were highly educated and cultured, took a stand against aristocrats who were not well cultured but trained as warriors.  However, this line of confrontation was visible only during the peacetime.  During the wartime, a line of confrontation was drawn within aristocrats and cities that had military power.  Aristocrats and cities were divided into a pro-king group and an anti-king one, and fought amongst each other, while bureaucrats were usually on the side of the kings.  This suggests that even the mighty Norman kings supported by the bureaucrats were by no means absolute.  The strong Norman kingship of Sicily was in fact only made possible by a delicate balance of power among aristocrats, cities, and bureaucrats.

Racconti Saraceni di Sicilia  di Michelangelo Caldara. Presentazione, Stralci. Sinossi. Indice.
        La Sicilia delle radici meticce. Berberi, arabi, aleramici, normanni, greci, sicani. Humus, di ancestrali legami con la terra; con l’anima contadina. Il sangue smarrito.
    Cronaca speciale di persone comuni e frammenti particolari di eventi e personaggi della storia, inusualmente s’incontrano e si fondono in Racconti Saraceni di Sicilia. Brevi racconti. Sapori moderni e antichi.

In this study, the authors discuss another Arabic account with references to the history of the island of Malta. The account is by Abu al-Fida. The latter discusses the help that Ibn Al Thamna received  from Christians from the city of Malta in 1052 AD.

La presenza di importazioni dalla Grecia continentale a Messina, iniziata subito dopo la conquista normanna, era già nota dai materiali editi dello scavo del Municipio. Un recente  studio su un contesto inedito di scavo, condotto nel 1997 in via Oratorio della Pace (Liceo La Farina), ha evidenziato la presenza di un certo numero di ceramiche, graffite e/o dipinte, di fabbrica bizantina. Si presentano i risultati preliminari di tale studio, che evidenzia un'interessante varietà tipologica con riferimento alle vecchie e nuove classificazioni di questa particolare produzione di ceramica da mensa, offrendo alla ricerca ulteriori spunti per definire un primo quadro delle importazioni dall'Oriente nella città dello Stretto tra XII e XIII secolo.

Some Byzantine ceramics from a 12th-13th  context in Messina.
The evidence in Messina of imported Ware from continental Greece, whose first appearance dates back to the Norman conquest, was long known by edited materials from the excavations carried out in the City Hall courtyard.
A new study of materials recovered from unpublished excavations in 1997 in Via Oratorio della Pace (Liceo La Farina) points out the presence of several Byzantine ceramics (Sgraffito Ware, Painted  Sgraffito Ware, Incised Sgraffito Ware).
In this preliminary work it's worth noting an interesting variety of types (with reference to old and new classifications of this peculiar fine tableware) which offers the research further elements in order to define a preliminary summary of trade good from East to Messina in the 12th and the 13th centuries.

This paper discusses the depiction of ambushes in chronicles of the High Middle Ages. Identifying ambushes in this period is particularly difficult, as the Latin term 'insidia' could also be used more generically to refer to stratagems, snares and cunning ploys. This paper combines evidence from contemporary chronicles, Patristic and medieval theological writing and Anglo-Norman epic verse to examine the variety of situations in which ambushes were used by medieval combatants and the different lessons that historians drew from tales of warriors ambushed (or ambushing) unawares.

Anthropophagy in Medieval Sicily: a cultural theme between chronicle and representation. Anthropophagy is the consumption of human flesh and the most extreme form of destruction of the human body, a physical violence which is the quintessential taboo of the self-described “civilized” societies. It provokes disgust, surprise and sometimes fascination, creating a deep connection between the text and the reader, and between the message and the audience. With regard to Sicily, anthropophagy is a cultural theme useful to discern between the account of real events and their representation. The construction of the image of Sicily, and even more of its inhabitants, the Sicilians, is based on an accumulation of clichés, often of ancient origins, transmitted and interpreted over the ages. One of them is surely the “bestiality” of its first inhabitants, intended as the ancient Cyclops or the Giants sons of Saturn, both of them “tyrants” described as man-eaters. During the Early Middle Ages the idea that the Sicilians eat human flesh was transferred to the new conquerors of the island: the Muslims, an infidel enemy to be fighted and considered beyond the boundaries of humanity and nature, meant as a divine law and therefore “civilization”. In both cases the accusations came from the outside, i.e. from groups as the ancient Greeks or the Christians (both Byzantine and Latin-Norman) who had an interest in representing the old and modern inhabitants of the island as anthropophagists to be feared, conquered, subjugated and converted to religion and/or civilization.

The correspondence between King Roger II and Bernard of Clairvaux reveals that in 1140 ca. Cistercians moved to the Norman Kingdom with Elisabeth of Champagne, when she married the Duke Roger. Here, they established their first settlement, whose location is still not widely agreed on by scholars.
Saint George’s Abbey, now a ruin, was erected in Sicily by the Duke at about the same time, and it has been traditionally considered as a Norbertine building.
A new research, conducted through both stylistic analysis of the building and critical reading of the documents, reveals Cistercian features of the abbey and proposes a hypothesis that St. George’s Abbey would actually be the first Cistercian settlement in the Kingdom of Sicily. This sheds new light on the Cistercians in Sicily, and merits further analysis on the subject within the entire Kingdom.

The Erlöserkirche at Bad Homburg was built between 1903 and 1908 at the instigation of Kaiser Wilhelm II. It combines a neo-Romanesque exterior with Norman-Sicilian mosaics inside. Both were "Germanic" to the emperor, and the church embodied his all encompassing claim to the tradition of the medieval Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. Alternatively, the contemporary Byzantinist Ernst Gerland pointed to a Byzantine origin of the Norman-Sicilian models (and thus subtly contradicted the "pan-Germanic" myth). This "Byzantine" reading has prevailed ever since, but does not stand up to scrutiny. It only serves to obscure the "pan-Germanic" concept of the church. This contribution restores the "Germanic" understanding and makes the point that the latter must be acknowledged in order to make proper sense of the church's art and architecture, but also in order to face (rather than to downplay and conveniently forget) the racist-chauvinist character of German imperialism.

One of the most prominent chroniclers of the Norman infiltration in southern
Italy and Sicily was Geoffrey Malaterra, who was recruited by Roger Hauteville to
write his “Deeds of Count Roger of Calabria and Sicily and of his brother Duke
Robert Guiscard”. This paper will examine Malaterra as a “military historian” of the
Norman expansion in southern Italy and Sicily, from the 1040s to the Illyrian
invasion of 1081, and compare his work with other contemporaries like William of
Apulia, Amatus of Montecassino and Anna Comnena.
A series of questions that will be addressed are: to what extent are the figures
he provides for army size, reliable, both in absolute numbers and in the ratios given
between cavalry and infantry? What is our chronicler’s knowledge of the local
geography where the military operations took place, and to what extent – if at all –
was he familiar with the terrain of the battles or sieges, or the campaign routes of
armies which he describes? How accurate or detailed is his description of castles and
fortifications? To what extend does Malaterra date major military events, and how
far does his narratives permit the accurate reconstruction of the sequence of events?

Le Costitutiones Melphitanae rappresentano un corpo organico di leggi promulgato per ordine dell’Imperatore Federico II nell’anno 1231. Uno dei manoscritti più antichi di questo importante corpus legislativo medievale è stato recentemente trovato nel comune di Fossacesia (Abruzzo). Il frammento manoscritto, risale al secolo XIII ed è uno dei più preziosi e affascinanti testi federiciani scoperti negli ultimi decenni: esso, come il codice del Vaticano ( Codice Vat. Lat 6770), contiene il cosiddetto apparatus antiquus e, in quanto tale, trasmette, oltre alla chiose di Andrea Bonello, anche quelle di G', indicato però, a differenza degli altri codici glossati ad oggi conosciuti, anche con il nome esteso: Guisando!

The transfer of Saracen arms into Frankish ownership is a leitmotif of many chansons de geste, but one whose significance for inter-imperial translation or translatio imperii has yet to be elucidated. In this essay, I focus on the Chanson d’Aspremont, a twelfth-century epic set in Calabria that narrates the pre-history of Durendal, Roland’s sword of Song of Roland fame, as an object inherited by Roland from its former royal Muslim owner. Drawing on cultural history and object-translation models derived from material and spolia studies, I read the sword’s symbolic transfer as evidence of Norman desire for and appropriation of former Fatimid imperium in Sicily.

In this article I elucidate the characteristics and changes of the administration of Count Roger I of Sicily (1072–†1101), which has been regarded as the foundation of the administrative system of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily. Although the conquest of Sicily was completed in 1091, Roger I's main concern already shifted from the war of conquest to the secure governance and efficient administration of his dominion some years before. This is a change from wartime governance to peacetime governance. After around 1086 a new administrative organization began to shape. This change seems to be reflected in the increased number of comital documents issued and in the change of members of witness lists. In this formation period, Roger I made good use of the former ruler's governmental units and tools, especially lists of inhabitants and land registers. He kept Muslims’ administrative autonomy in many cities, and utilized Byzantine officials together with their local administrative units. But he did not employ Arabic people as high officials in the central government.

Examines the role of peace in the chronicle of Falco of Benevento and the history of Alexander of Telese.  Argues that Falco's text emphasizes the ecclesiastical nature of peace.  Further asserts that Alexander's history purposely demonstrated peace as a monarchical responsibility in order to attack the papacy's authority in mainland southern Italy.

Erstaunlich wenige Spuren zeugen von der einstigen massiven muslimischen Präsenz im mittelalterlichen Süditalien und Sizilien. Dabei besiedelten Anhänger des Islam fünf Jahrhunderte lang die Region. Dann aber wurden die Muslime verdrängt und mit ihnen die meisten ihrer Hinterlassenschaften. So vernachlässigte auch die historische Forschung die süditalienischen Muslime gerade des späten 12. und des 13. Jahrhunderts.
Als erstes deutschsprachiges Buch rückt diese Studie die Geschichte jener Muslime in den Fokus. Mit ihren Lebensformen kommen auch die Beziehungen zu den Christen in den Blick; schließlich waren die Andersgläubigen christlicher Herrschaft unterworfen und spielten wiederholt eine entscheidende Rolle für Kaiser, Könige und Päpste bis hin zur breiten Bevölkerung. Neben solchen politischen Aspekten untersucht das Buch auch religiöse, rechtliche, soziale, wirtschaftliche, militärische, demographische und siedlungsgeographische Entwicklungen muslimischen Lebens im christlichen Reich.
Der Verlust vieler arabischer Zeugnisse kann dabei mit Hilfe einer erstaunlichen lateinischen Überlieferungsfülle ausgeglichen werden. In einem interdisziplinären Ansatz tragen transkulturelle, islamwissenschaftliche, archäologische und soziologische Perspektiven zur Interpretation bei. So bietet das Buch einen neuen Blick auf einen oft vergessenen Teil europäischer und globaler Geschichte.

This article analyzes the mutable and adaptive royal image of King Roger II of Sicily (r. 1130–1154) by examining his royal coinage in its Mediterranean context. Two case studies demonstrate how Roger, who ruled over a culturally diverse group of regions in Sicily and southern Italy, appropriated these regions’ equally diverse histories, images,
and traditions of rule when minting his royal coinage. In recently conquered Sicily, this meant the slow but steady Christianization of previously Islamicate images of rule on coins, and in southern Italy, the imitation of earlier Byzantine imperial coins that had circulated in the region. The adaptability of the royal image to specific contingencies was
due in large part to the novelty and uncertain legitimacy of the Kingdom of Sicily. The kingdom’s lack of historical precedent meant that the king and his advisors were free to appropriate the historical traditions of other, more venerable political entities to suit the needs of the crown.

Keywords: kingship, numismatics, Sicily, Byzantium, Mediterranean, Normans, Roger II, Islamic history.

Nei quasi due secoli del Regnum degli Altavilla in Sicilia, la cultura costruttiva normanna ha prodotto un vasto patrimonio storico artistico. Il Romanico siciliano, che ha nelle sue ben note architetture religiose la sua espressione più ricca, consta di un'altra categoria di manufatti fondamentali per la comprensione di quel periodo storico: le architetture militari.
I castelli normanni rappresentarono il segno forte del potere militare dei conquistatori sulla Sicilia musulmana, così come chiese e monasteri ne rappresentarono quello religioso.
I successivi incastellamenti di epoca sveva, angioina ed aragonese hanno poi modificato il patrimonio castrale siciliano, in molti casi sovrapponendosi alle vecchie fortezze o ricostruendole dalle fondamenta al fine di aggiornarle alle nuove necessità militari, in continua evoluzione.
Per questa ed altre ragioni non sono numerosi i castelli normanni che ci sono pervenuti con caratteristiche poco alterate rispetto alla loro configurazione originale. Alcuni di essi, noti e studiati da tempo, hanno fornito basi di confronto per altri manufatti la cui datazione è incerta, ma il cui valore documentale è enorme.
Il castello di Burgio rientra tra questi manufatti di eccezionale interesse storico ed archeologico, ma decisamente poco conosciuti.
In questo lavoro si è voluto analizzare il monumento nella sua materia fisica e nella sua importanza storica, rilevandone le urgenze di conservazione ed esplorando un’ipotesi di integrazione delle parti mancanti.

Published in _Viator_ 44 (2013): 119-149. The mosaic of Christ crowning Roger II of Sicily in the church of Santa Maria dell'Ammiraglio, Palermo has long been recognized for its Byzantine influence. While acknowledging this debt, this article calls attention to a little-discussed western influence--the fleurs-de-lis on the king's robe--and argues that although the mosaic borrowed heavily from Byzantine imperial iconography, the inclusion of lilies was meant to emphasize Roger's French connections. This study discusses the growing significance of the flower among the Capetian kings (particularly Louis VII) and investigates the broader historical context that includes the rise of the French monarchy, the development of the French state, and the nature of French identity in the twelfth century to explain why Roger would have been interested in cultivating his connections to France. In so doing, the article attempts to realign Roger with his western roots, which at times have been overlooked in favor of the exotic elements of his kingdom.

Abstract (ITA):
Guardare a San Giuseppe Jato e alla storia della valle dello Jato significa necessariamente dover porre come parametri base della propria ricerca il millenario
scorrere del fiume Jato e l’altrettanto millenaria presenza del monte Jato che insiste sull’omonima valle: la montagna e il fiume, silenziosi testimoni di popoli in cammino e di generazioni di uomini che si sono susseguiti in cerca di un luogo in cui vivere. [...] guardare al Castellum Jati significa, infatti, dover guardare alla storia normanna di Monreale e, insieme, all’estensione e alla potenza dell’arcidiocesi e della chiesa di Santa Maria la Nuova, definita dal Townsend White «il più grande tra tutti i monasteri normanni di Sicilia».

"This volume contains a collection of eleven essays dealing with aspects of the society of southern Italy and Sicily from the 11th through to the 13th centuries. It covers the evolution of the social structures, the aristocratic family; the agrarian economy; regional differences across the South Italian Peninsula and Sicily; Norman-papal relations; charters and chanceries; Latin- and Greek-rite Churches; religious conversion, and the position of Greeks, Arab-Christians and Muslims within the Norman Kingdom of Sicily.

For an extensive preview:
http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=1IBspuVRwnUC&printsec=frontcover&dq=the+society+of+noman+italy&ei=e_WTSsnbBojUMq3b1ZgH#v=onepage&q&f=false"

This is the second of the three presentations that I give within the course "Vikingatida och medeltida skandinavisk historia" at the University of Gothenburg. The 60-minute lecture (40+20 minutes) is followed by group work in which students anchor the new information by demonstrating the main stages of the Viking eastward expansion on the map.

I Monti Sicani, situati tra Agrigento e Palermo, erano in gran parte sconosciuti dal punto di vista archeologico. Il survey, effettuato su 274 km², ha fornito un nuovo e ricco quadro delle strutture insediative, presenti nell’area tra l'età del rame e il medioevo. I siti preistorici ci forniscono un’immagine chiara della sequenzialità dei primi insediamenti e della sorprendente penetrazione delle influenze greche in queste remote aree montuose, in cui, oltre ai santuari di confine, sta emergendo anche un piccolo numero di fattorie di epoca greca. Un vero e proprio utilizzo intensivo del territorio si registra a partire dall’età ellenistica, ma è soprattutto nella tarda antichità che si avviano ristrutturazioni e si intensifica il numero di insediamenti. Il panorama che si delinea spazia dalla fase arabo-normanna fino al medioevo. Oltre 260 tavole a colori, mappe, disegni e supplementi documentano per la prima volta l'archeologia delle zone interne della Sicilia in maniera intensiva.


Die Monti Sicani zwischen Agrigent und Palermo waren archäologisch weitgehend unbekannt. Der Survey auf 274 km² hat ein neues und dichtes Bild der Siedlungsstrukturen zwischen der Kupferzeit und dem Mittelalter ergeben. Die prähistorischen Fundstellen zeichnen ein dichtes Bild von der Abfolge der frühen Siedlungen und vom erstaunlichen Vordringen griechischer Einflüsse in diese küstenfernen, gebirgigen Bereiche, in denen neben Grenzheiligtümern sogar eine kleine Zahl von griechenzeitlichen Gehöften entsteht. Eine Konzentration der Landnutzung beginnt im Hellenismus gefolgt von einer Neustrukturierung und Siedlungsverdichtung vor allem in der Spätantike. Der Blick reicht über die arabisch normannische Phase bis zum Mittelalter. Über 260 Farbtafeln Karten Zeichnungen und Beilagen dokumentieren erstmals die Archäologie des sizilianischen Binnenlandes.

According to a traditional view villeins (villani) in Norman Sicily consisted of two basic classes, those who owed their lords hereditary service in person and those who owed service with respect to the terms of their tenure of land. Those scholars who recently examined relevant terms in Arabic documents seem to share this view. For example, Jeremy Johns showed us a list of Latin, Greek and Arabic words categorized into two groups, a class of “registered” villeins (ḥursh) and a class of “unregistered” villeins (muls), while Alex Metcalfe explains that Arabic and Greek terms to refer to villeins can be resolved into two basic categories, “registered” and “unregistered” families. In this paper, I will make it clear that muls and ḥursh were not a pair of opposite Arabic terms indicating two different classes of villeins, but that muls simply signify those who were not listed in the previous documents.

Tra i palazzi del parco Genoard che al tempo di Ibn Jubayr (1184-85) circondavano la
Palermo arabo-normanna, la Zisa (dall’arabo [al-qaṣr] al-‘azīz, ‘, ‘lo splendido [palazzo]’), costituisce il più magnificente e compiuto esempio di architettura palaziale di matrice nordafricana, edificato per volere del re Guglielmo I nel 1165 e portato a compimento al tempo del suo successore, re Guglielmo II (1166-1189). Entrata nel 2015 nella lista del patrimonio mondiale UNESCO quale componente del sito seriale di Palermo arabo-normanna e le cattedrali di Cefalù e Monreale, la Zisa rappresenta l’episodio più limpido della compagine di matrice arabo-islamica. Fa parte del complesso monumentale la cappella palatina, voluta dal sovrano fondatore e attestata col titolo di Sancta Trinitas de Azisa in un diploma del 1274 e in origine collegata all'edificio palaziale. Il contributo analizza l'antico sistema di collegamento, offrendo elementi inediti per un'ipotesi ricostruttiva del complesso.